Brussel, of waar het paard echt gebonden ligt (ontwerp deel 2 van 3)

(2) Brussel de stad van de Eurocraten, de spin in het web

Geboorte van de Europese sterke staat

De Europese integratie was na WO II een anti-nationalistisch project dat zijn uitdrukking vond in een economisch verdrag, de Gemeenschap voor Kolen en Staal (EGKS), een verdrag tussen de 6 landen. De EGKS was zo succesvol dat al in 1957 besloten werd tot een verdere integratie: de EEG via het verdrag van Rome. Het Verdrag van Rome, getekend door dezelfde zes landen, richtte de Euratom en de Europese Economische Gemeenschap op. In 1967 werden de drie organisaties door tekening van het Fusieverdrag samengevoegd, waarna ze verder werkten onder de naam Europese Gemeenschappen (EG). Dit leidde tot de oprichting van de Commissie, de Raad en het Parlement.

In feite begint het politieke spel reeds in 1967 maar het zal nog sluimeren tot na de val van de muur. Intussen werden Denemarken, Ierland en het Verenigd Koninkrijk lid van de EG in 1973. Griekenland werd lid in 1981, Spanje en Portugal in 1986. Velen zullen het Verdrag van Maastricht in 1992 aanduiden als de grote ommezwaai, de oprichting van de Europese Unie. En inderdaad met dat verdrag werd de basis gelegd voor verdere vormen van samenwerking op het gebied van buitenlands en veiligheidsbeleid, op juridisch en intern vlak, en voor de vorming van de Economische en Monetaire Unie. Maar dit was het eindpunt van een proces dat al bezig was. Ik verkies het Schengen Verdrag in 1990 als keerpunt. Hier begint ook de geschiedenis van de buitengrenzen.

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WRI public statement on the bomb attack on Greek Conscientous Objectors

WRI public statement, 26 Feb 2009

(WRI stands for War Resisters International)

The War Resisters’ International (WRI), an international network of 82 affiliates in 43 countries, including Greece, condemns the terrifying attack on its associate, Association of Greek Conscientious Objectors.

On the Tuesday 24 February night, at around 10 pm, and while there was in full progress an open meeting against the new Greek army armaments plan, hosted by the Greek Association of Conscientious Objectors, an unknown person threw a hand grenade at the building that the meeting was taking place and then run away. The perpetrator tried to throw a hand grenade inside the meeting hall through the window. Fortunately, there was double-glazing and only the outside glass broke, bouncing off the hand grenade into the pavement, just outside the building. From the explosion, some glass windows in the surrounding buildings were broken and damage was caused in the pavement. But thankfully, and only due to sheer luck, no one was harmed, against, apparently, the clear intention of the perpetrator to kill.

The War Resisters’ International is extremely concerned about this particular attempt to kill Greek antimilitarists and the general rise of fear and insecurity in Greece, specially for activists in Greece. The spirit of December 2008 (when the killing of Alexandoros Grigoropoulos provoked mass protests throughout Greece) is obviously still alive among different activist groups in Greece and WRI supports their struggle to end the circle of violence. The rise of extreme right wing groups which spread fear and threaten the very life of people cannot be tolerated. Not anywhere in the world, not in Greece.

The War Resisters’ International calls upon Greek authorities to undercover the perpetrator and unmask the motives behind this terrible act.

The War Resisters’ International calls other antimilitarist and pacifist groups to express solidarity with Greek COs in their struggle.
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Neonazis perturbate Dresden Memorial – Neonazis verstoren oorlogsherdenking in Dresden

Quote Blog Extreem Rechts in Vlaanderen

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The Roma in Italy Racism as usual? by Claudia Aradau

First Published on Radical Philosopy, for fair use only

Author Claudia Aradau

roma_kidsOn 30 October 2007, Giovanna Reggiani, a 47-year-old Italian woman, was robbed and murdered in a deserted area of northern Rome. The man accused of murdering her was a Romanian Roma, Nicolai Romulus Mailat, who had been living in one of the ‘unauthorized’ settlements in Rome. The media immediately reported horrific stories of torture and rape, raising the ‘spectre of “monsters” arrived from Europe’.1 The crime became more than a crime; it was a crime against the nation. The wife of a naval officer, Reggiani sparked the protective and militarized anxieties that help constitute and reproduce the legitimacy of nation-states. And the nation reacted. The ex-communist mayor of Rome, Walter Veltroni, requested an emergency decree for the deportation of European citizens deemed to be a threat to public security. While the settlements at the margins of Rome and other Italian cities were being evacuated and bulldozed, the government of Romano Prodi, former president of the European Commission, was busy fast-tracking a decree on ‘urgent provisions for removals from Italian territory for reasons of public safety’. The decree was openly aimed at Romanians and particularly the Romanian Roma, who had rights of mobility and residence since 2007 when Romania joined the European Union. The incident was followed not only by new security legislation but also by vigilante violence against Roma and Romanian citizens. Occasional instances of physical violence gave way to more systematic attacks on the camps. The media continued reporting details of the violence as emblematic of the ‘discontent of the nation’ with the government’s policies on immigration and security. Continue reading

The Growing Trend Toward Fascism

Crossposted  from Jewish Peace News

The chilling article below, from this weekend’s (February 6th, 2009) Haaretz, appears at first to be disturbing simply for what it says about a growing segment of Israel’s next generation of voters-an open, even proud, racism and an attraction to fascism, in the form of support for Avigdor Lieberman, chairman of the Israel Beitenu party, which is poised to become Israel’s third largest party in Tuesday’s election. The key selling point of the party in this election is a “loyalty oath” that would be a prerequisite for citizenship rights, clearly directed at Israel’s Palestinian Israeli citizens.

But the article illuminates (or darkens) far more. Such as the horrifying prospect of highschoolers campaigning for Lieberman by screaming “Death to the Arabs!” in the streets and consciously explaining that this helps them prepare to enter the army. As the article quotes:

“Sergei Leibliyanich, a senior, draws a connection between the preparation for military service in school and student support for the right: “It gives us motivation against the Arabs. You want to enlist in the army so you can stick it to them. The preparation gives you the motivation to stick it to the Arabs and we want to elect someone who’ll do that. I like Lieberman’s thinking about the Arabs. Bibi [Benjamin Netanyahu] doesn’t want to go as far.”

The further you read, the clearer it is that this a phenomena that draws strength from so many of the issues facing Israeli society: not just virulent Anti-Arab racism, but a reliance on violence, the emphasis on militaristic values, the broken education system, and the crumbling of democratic principles. But perhaps, at root, the problem, as the article indicates, is this:

“The Israeli reality can no longer hide what it has kept hidden up to now – that today no sentient mother can honestly say to her child: ‘Next year things will be better here.’ The young people are replacing hope for a better future with a myth of a heroic end. For a heroic end, Lieberman fits the bill…. In a reality in which you can’t honestly tell your children, ‘Tomorrow will be better,’ in which the realization has finally sunk in that no deal or accord is about to happen, not now or 10 years from now – they react in a hysterical, survivalist fashion. In such a situation, the commitment to humanist values can be viewed as a luxury that we as a society cannot afford.”

–Rebecca Vilkomerson

By Yotam Feldman

The Yisrael Beiteinu youths gather for a final consultation as dozens of elderly party supporters slowly make their way into the white tent where the movement’s conference is being held, behind the Plaza Hotel in Upper Nazareth.

The youths, ages 16-18, many of them good friends from school, had stood for a long time before the event began at the intersection near the hotel, waving Israeli flags and shouting “Death to the Arabs” and “No loyalty, no citizenship” at passing cars. Continue reading

Rational Fascism by Michael Parenti

Excerpted from Chapter 1 of Blackshirts and Reds , First Published at Cyrano’s Journal,  for fair use only

Author  Michael Parenti

WHILE WALKING THROUGH NEW YORK’S LITTLE ITALY, I passed a novelty shop that displayed posters and T-shirts of Benito Mussolini giving the fascist salute. When I entered the shop and asked the clerk why such items were being offered, he replied, “Well, some people like them. And, you know, maybe we need someone like Mussolini in this country.” His comment was a reminder that fascism survives as something more than a historical curiosity.

Worse than posters or T-shirts are the works by various writers bent on “explaining” Hitler, or “reevaluating” Franco, or in other ways sanitizing fascist history. In Italy, during the 1970s, there emerged a veritable cottage industry of books and articles claiming that Mussolini not only made the trains run on time but also made Italy work well. All these publications, along with many conventional academic studies, have one thing in common: They say little if anything about the class policies of fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. How did these regimes deal with social services, taxes, business, and the conditions of labor? For whose benefit and at whose expense? Most of the literature on fascism and Nazism does not tell us.(1)

Plutocrats Choose Autocrats

Let us begin with a look at fascism’s founder. Born in 1883, the son of a blacksmith, Benito Mussolini had an early manhood marked by street brawls, arrests, jailings, and violent radical political activities. Before World War I Mussolini was a socialist. A brilliant organizer, agitator, and gifted journalist, he became editor of the Socialist Party’s official newspaper. Yet many of his comrades suspected him of being less interested in advancing socialism than in advancing himself. Indeed, when the Italian upper class tempted him with recognition, financial support, and the promise of power, he did not hesitate to switch sides.

By the end of World War I, Mussolini, the socialist, who had organized strikes for workers and peasants had become Mussolini, the fascist, who broke strikes on behalf of financiers and landowners.

By the end of World War I, Mussolini, the socialist, who had organized strikes for workers and peasants had become Mussolini, the fascist, who broke strikes on behalf of financiers and landowners. Using the huge sums he received from wealthy interests, he projected himself onto the national scene as the acknowledged leader of i fasci di combattimento, a movement composed of black-shirted ex-army officers and sundry toughs who were guided by no clear political doctrine other than a militaristic patriotism and conservative dislike for anything associated with socialism and organized labor. The fascist Blackshirts spent their time attacking trade unionists, socialists, communists, and farm cooperatives. Continue reading